It is testament to The Occidental Quarterly’s growing stature that it has eliciteda major interview from one of Europe’s foremost anti-liberal thinkers.For too long, America’s nationalist right, indeed the right in general, hasexisted in an intellectual netherworld of free-marketeers (Wal-Mart über Alles),CIA intellectuals (Burnham/Buckley), Kirkian reactionaries, Bible-thumpers,and conspiracy nuts, all of whom, as Alain de Benoist notes in the aboveinterview, defend a system that destroys the very things they seek to conserve.With TOQ, white nationalists, radical traditionalists, biological realists, andother anti-liberals take up a different project, as they endeavor to work out anintellectual synthesis of the latest science and the most primordial forms ofEuropean thought to address not just the failures of American conservatism,but the nation’s historical-ontological tasks.
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This is the speech given by Prof. Fraser at the Inverell Forum on Friday the 17th of March. With the kind permission of the Professor we publish his speech, in full, as a “World Exclusive”.

Introduction

My career as a thought criminal began once I developed an academic interest in applying the theory and practice of classical republicanism in contemporary circumstances.
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The other day, one of my favourite cinemas closed down. The boards went up on the art-deco Valhalla in Sydney, one of the world’s best at putting out powerful, political documentaries. The lack of fuss might have seemed surprising in a city whose iconic Opera House is said to embody modern Australia’s pride in the arts. On the contrary, the closure reflected a more general shutting down.

The Valhalla was certainly an anomaly in an Australia so entrapped by the cult of “marketing” that an executive of the Sydney Morning Herald can declare “the answer” is “not smart and clever people” but “people who can execute your strategy”. On 9 February, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development in Paris proclaimed Australia the least regulated and most privately owned economy in the western world. This is a country owned and run by businessmen.
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In studying multiracialism and the way it has molded our society to a liberal viewpoint we must examine closely some terms used to make a people more submissive.

Two such cliché’s we hear a lot are ‘discrimination’ and ‘intolerance’.

Used as a weapon of derision by liberals, the meaning of the expression ‘discrimination’ is self-evident; it implies that everyone is equal in all things we do. Culturally, religiously, ethnically, morally, financially, athletically etc. As such, nobody is allowed to be pass judgment on others, and nobody is allowed to be “offended” or to be different. Unfortunately this liberal dream sequence has no root in reality because life, even theirs, is full of discrimination, for and against on a daily basis.
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“This Land Is Ours” …?

When Lord Tebbit used a fringe meeting of the Conservative Party conference this summer to attack the concept of multi-culturalism, he also expressed the fear that we are becoming “a pagan society worshipping Mother Earth”. We must pay tribute to him here for being the first establishment politician to acknowledge the best ecological magazine on the Internet… at the same time, we note the irony of this little-reported part of his speech — for paganism, more than any spiritual tradition, is linked intimately to cultural identity as well as climate, ecology and landscape. Japan’s Shinto religion, for example, is linked at both folk and State level to the concept of racial and cultural uniqueness. The name “Hindu” is linked to the name “India”, and African Traditional Religion is the spiritual wing of black consciousness — as such it is growing fast. In our own European societies, the revival of interest in pagan beliefs and folklore is part of a wider movement to reclaim folk identities. The growing fascination for Celtic goddesses, Norse shaman-kings and Baltic wood spirits is one that unites a pride in ethnic heritage with a reverence for nature — a green, non-racist form of regional loyalty.
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The most prolific ideologue of Germany’s New Right (Neue Rechte) is Pierre Krebs. Armed with a clutch of French and German qualifications ranging from law and Scandinavian philology to journalism, he has edited a magazine of metapolitics, written numerous books on the issues in which literature, philosophy and politics meet, and devoted his publicistic and editorial energies to creating the premises for a cultural revolution. This involves the rejection of egalitarianism for differentiation, Judeo-Christianity for Indo-Europeanism, Enlightenment humanism for organic humanism, and pluralism and racial mixing (`Panmixie’) for the right of peoples to have a separate identity. In 1980 he founded the Thule Seminar to help bring about a all-encompassing European rebirth. In this passage he articulates the theme of `right-wing Gramscianism’ – the idea that metapolitical cultural transformation is the precondition for political transformation – of the European New Right.

An Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, was the first to understand that the state is not confined to a political apparatus. In fact he established that the political apparatus runs parallel to the so-called civil apparatus. In other words, each political apparatus is reinforced by a civil consensus, the psychological support of the masses. This psychological support expresses itself through a consensus on the level of culture, world-view and ethos. In order to exists at all, political power is thus dependent on a cultural power diffused within the masses. On the basis of this analysis Gramsci understood why Marxists could not take over power in bourgeois democracies: they did not have cultural power. To be precise, it is impossible to overthrow a political apparatus without previously having gained control of cultural power. The assent of the people must be won first: their ideas, ethos, ways of thinking, the value-system, art, education have to be worked on and modified. Only when people feel the need for change as a self-evident necessity will the existing political power, now detached from the general consensus, start crumbling and be overthrown. Metapolitics can be seen as the revolutionary war fought out on the level of world-views, ways of thinking and culture.
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Within the present political spectrum of right and left where do we find the philosophy of Racial Nationalism? To right-wingers like Rush Limbaugh all the way to the John Birch Society, Racial Nationalism (RN) is socialist, leftist, collectivist, and a derivative of Marxism. To Marxists and liberals, it is fascist, extreme right, or a tool of corporate interests. So, are any of these descriptions really accurate? The answer is no.

Much of the confusion exists because most people have been indoctrinated with the idea that any political philosophy or movement must invariably fit into one of two categories: right and left. And, today those categories are roughly defined as right-being conservative and left-being liberal. The reason why RN does not really fit into either category is that both conservativism and liberalism view the world in mostly economic terms.
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“What hypocrisy. When it comes to what Germans are most sensitive about, Hitler and the Holocaust, they are ruthless censors. British historian David Irving has spent three months in a Viennese prison awaiting trial on Feb. 20 for speeches he made 15 years ago in Austria. Skeptics and deniers of the Holocaust are prosecuted, fined and imprisoned in Europe with the enthusiastic endorsement of the European press.”

That demagogues and agitators are exploiting those cartoons of Mohammed to advance a war of civilizations and expel Europeans from the Middle East seems undeniable.

But that does not excuse the paralyzing stupidity of that Danish paper in running those cartoons ­ or the arrogant irresponsibility of European newspapers in plastering those cartoons all over their front pages.

The storm first broke last September, when Jyllands-Posten published 12 caricatures of Mohammed, including a lampoon of the Prophet with a terrorist bomb as a turban. In the Islamic faith, any depiction of the face of Mohammed is forbidden.
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